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The Only Bulgarians in Albania Are Diplomats

Life is tough. When one clings to fragile psuedo-history, it becomes even tougher. In its latest attempt to contort reality to suits its needs, Bulgaria has pushed the limits on the imagination. Appropriating songs such as “Macedonian Girl”, “Bitola My Birthplace” into the Bulgarian ethos has not been enough. Fabricating medieval stone inscriptions to prove the Bulgarian nature of historical autocrats does not quench the Bulgarian obsession with Macedonia. Now the new frontier has to be met–to boldly go where no Bulgarian has gone. Literally.

Just last week, Bulgarian MEPs pushed for the  protection the rights of the Bulgarian ethnicity in Albania to the European Parliament. From surges in populism, to waning trust in European institutions, Bulgaria presents Europe with possibly the greatest non-issue of the decade. The only problem? The Slavic-speaking minority in Mala Prespa and Golo Brdo says they are Macedonian. Somehow, outside the influence of Tito’s Yugoslavia, which the Bulgarians claim de-nationalized the “Bulgarian Macedonians”, Albania’s minority, such as the minority in Greece, still affirms its Macedonian identity. Furthermore, no international human rights organization has eve recorded a Bulgarian minority presence in the Albanian areas, while numerous have documented a Macedonian one.

So what is the real issue? Why push such an absurd notion while the rest of Europe struggles? The answers goes back to the 10th century, when the Bulgarian Tsar Boris I realized something ingenious; the only way to conquer Macedonia from the Byzantine empire would be to quite literally “become” Macedonian themselves and create kinship with the Macedonian people. This pragmatic move included dropping the Bulgarian Turkic religion, language, and culture. Names such as Asparuh, Knez, and Krum gradually became replaced with Orthodox Christian names. Ever since this crucial moment in history, Bulgaria has made it a policy objective to convince the world that Macedonians and Bulgarians are one of the same. This is the reason Macedonians do not sing any songs about people outside of ethnic Macedonia, while Bulgarians regularly appropriate songs from the whole of Macedonia. Unfortunately, most of the outside world could not differentiate between the mess of ethnicities that made up the Ottoman Empire, and the term “Bulgar” came to denote most Slavic-speaking Orthodox peasantry. Unfortunately, facts do not line up with the alternate reality carved out by the Bulgarian state.

The Truth About Bulgaria

The Bulgars never permanently settled areas outside of modern-day Bulgaria. While regularly conquering, pillaging, and attacking the areas of modern-day Macedonia, the Bulgars never had a permanent settlement in the areas outside of roughly modern-day Bulgaria. Even when Macedonians, under the heavy influence of the Bulgarian Exarchate, called themselves “Bulgars”, they still claimed descent only from Macedonians–not individuals part of the wider Bulgarian cultural identity. The Brothers Miladinov, while ostensibly calling their 19th century anthology “Bulgarian Folk Songs” to fight back the tide of Hellenism (though Bulgaria still refused to publish it), traveled and collected songs and stories from Macedonia still celebrating figures such as Alexander the Great, St. Clement, and even the Emperor Justinian.  To this day, there is not one song in the Macedonian folklore about the Bulgarian King Asparuh–the same king whom the Bulgarians replaced Alexander with in their version of “Edna Misla Imame”.

Living in the past is one thing. Pushing a diplomatic objective in the 21st century that dealt with the Byzantine Empire is another. So much of Bulgaria’s national identity and place in the Balkans is dependent upon a Bulgarian-character of the Macedonian people that any unraveling would be detrimental to their ethnos. This is why Bulgaria is forced to push such an absurd notion as the existence of Bulgarians in Albania; Bulgaria has to continue Boris’s strategy and claim everything associated with Macedonians as Bulgarian, no matter how outlandish. But then again, since Macedonia is the Pandora’s Box for other states in the Balkans, many states will do their best to peddle such laughable ideas into their mainstream to keep the lid closed. Instead of making a Faustian deal with Bulgaria–becoming Bulgarian as so many of our ancestors did for economic gain–it is our duty to not fall victims as pawns to a centuries old political swindle.

The views of the author may not necessarily reflect the views of the United Macedonian Diaspora and Generation M.

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UMD Voice

The Dana Rohrabacher Debacle Explained and What Macedonians Can Do About It

Tuesday, February 7th, 2017: “I’m sorry, but Macedonia is not a country … Kosovars and Albanians from Macedonia should be part of Kosovo and the rest of Macedonia should be part of Bulgaria or any other country to which they believe they are related.”

This outlandish statement was said during an interview to Albanian TV by Senior Congressman Dana Rohrabacher (CA-48). Not only is foolish rhetoric like this deeply insulting, it is just plain crazy. The devout-Catholic Rohrabacher seems to have reached a moral turpitude of the faith–he may read the Acts of the Apostles, but he seems to forget that the Apostle Paul was called to Macedonia to preach unity and spiritual salvation, and not currying favor with neighbors who covet our land for political expediency. Politically, to recommend a country (with thousands of years of history) be wiped off the map is incredibly dangerous. Here’s why:

What’s important to know is that Representative Rohrabacher sits on the powerful House Foreign Affairs Committee. And under that Committee, he serves as the Chairman of the Subcommittee on Europe, Eurasia and Emerging Threats. But what does that mean?

[trx_infobox style=”regular” closeable=”no” color=”#FFFFFF” bg_color=”#C00606″]Dana Rohrabacher has gone from Presidential Speechwriter to Congressional sellout.[/trx_infobox]

As we all know, our legislative branch is split into two houses. All bills that are introduced in either house have to start somewhere within this giant machine we call Congress. In the House and Senate, Members serve on Committees which cover a range of topics from Energy and Commerce, to Veterans’ Affairs, to Agriculture. Bills work their way through their respective Committees and must be approved before they reach the House or Senate floor for debate. Learn more about the complex process here.

The significance behind Mr. Rohrabacher’s role is that as Chairman of his Subcommittee (Europe and Eurasia), is that he controls the discussion on matters concerning this specific area of the globe. Such jurisdiction includes political relations between the United States and countries in the region and related legislation, disaster assistance, boundary issues, and international claims.

Obviously, a man in his position is influential in foreign policy–until we dig deeper into his past. Once the former voice of President Ronald Reagan, Dana has fallen far from being considered a serious and respected U.S. official. Here are some of his greatest hits:

From appearing on Russian right-wing, anti-American propaganda arm, RT, to claiming he fought alongside the Afghan Mujahideen, many high-ranking government officials have spoken out on Dana’s antics. Former US Presidential Candidate and Arizona Senator John McCain described Rohrabacher as part of the Republican Party’s “lunatic fringe”.

However, this is far from just a nonsense-filled rant. It’s obvious special interests are at play.

Rohrabacher can be tied to a lobby group called the Albanian-American Civic League (AACL), which under the leadership of former Congressman Joe DioGuardi, has lobbied on behalf of the Kosova Liberation Army (KLA).

Rep. Rohrbacher hands American flag to Joe DioGuardi

 

In 2001, during a deadly conflict in the Republic of Macedonia, Rep. Rohrabacher was the guest of honor at an AALC Fundraiser. He has also tried to use his position of power to prosecute Albanian enemies of the AALC. This press release comes directly from his office.

 

Dana Rohrabacher has gone from Presidential Speechwriter to Congressional sellout.

The Congressman isn’t just throwing one staunch American ally under the bus. In the past, Rohrabacher seems to have been bought out on issues regarding arguably the strongest U.S. ally, Israel:

“House of Representatives disclosure records show that, between 1998 and 2002, the Arab American Institute and the Islamic Institute gave Rohrabacher 4 all-expenses-paid trips to the Middle East. In such limited circles, Rohrabacher has complained of Israel’s influence on U.S. foreign policy” source: http://www.ocweekly.com/news/mr-taliban-6381527

“Rohrabacher was one of four Republicans who voted no to a May 2, 2002 Congressional resolution (HR 392) that expressed support for Israel as it faced a wave of terrorist attacks that killed more than 600 civilians. The resolution, which radical American Muslim groups lobbied against unsuccessfully, also stated that “the United States and Israel are now engaged in a common struggle against terrorism.” source: http://archive.frontpagemag.com/readArticle.aspx?ARTID=14440

Unfortunately at times, foreign policy in the United States can be sold to the highest bidder. This comes in the form of campaign contributions from individuals and PACs (Political Action Committees). But it takes a special kind of officeholder who feels awfully comfortable in their seat to pervert their duties like Congressman Rohrabacher has.

While some may go to the ballot box to voice their concerns in 2018, here’s what we can do about it now:

The United Macedonian Diaspora (UMD) has called for Dana Rohrabacher’s immediate resignation from the Europe Subcommittee and their Headquarters in Washington, D.C. needs all the grassroots help it can get.

Recently, I wrote a Twitter thread on the steps we can take:

Voice your concerns

The most effective way to influence a Congressional Office as an average citizen is calling their direct lines:

[trx_infobox style=”regular” closeable=”no” color=”#FFFFFF” bg_color=”#CA1600″]

48th Congressional District Office: (714) 960-6483

Rep. Rohrabacher DC Office: (202) 225-2415 

[/trx_infobox]

Feel free to contact those numbers and express your displeasure. Always be polite, yet firm with that staff as they keep record of who calls about which issue.

[trx_quote style=”1″]“Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the world; indeed, it’s the only thing that ever has.”[/trx_quote]

Mention how outrageous it is to call a staunch American ally “not a real country”. Bring up how dangerous it is to suggest the partition of a nation and how that can further destabilize the already fragile Balkans. Demand a retraction and apology.

To go a step further, Call Dana’s bosses:

House Speaker Paul Ryan: https://paulryan.house.gov/contact/
House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy: https://kevinmccarthy.house.gov/contact/

Grow the Macedonia Caucus

The United Macedonian Diaspora’s endeavor to build and maintain a Macedonia Caucus is the single, most powerful tool we Macedonians have to impact the legislative branch of our government. The next day after Rohrabacher’s diatribe, Congressman Dave Trott (R-11), who recently became the Caucus Co-Chair, issued this press release reaffirming the Macedonian-American friendship. Check it out:

This is advocacy in action. Urge your Member of Congress to join the Congressional Caucus on Macedonia and Macedonian-Americans using this very easy and simple-to-fill-out form:

https://act.myngp.com/Forms/-2343148838362675200

Donate!

UMD needs all the help it can get. Monetary donations go a long way in boosting operations in Washington, D.C. and around the world. Donate now to the leading international non-governmental organization promoting the interests and needs of Macedonians and Macedonian communities worldwide.

Not only will your money go to making sure this guy…

…doesn’t utter a single word about Macedonia unless it’s “Makedonija za Makedoncite”, but other programs that are so beneficial to advancing the Macedonian cause like the Birthright Macedonia program, Ajvar 5K, Bitove Scholarships, and of course, Generation M.

Situations like these call for wise words and sound reminders. Margaret Mead once said, “Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the world; indeed, it’s the only thing that ever has.” The time is ripe for Macedonian-Americans to become the citizenry that takes charge.

The views of the author may not necessarily reflect the views of the United Macedonian Diaspora and Generation M.

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UMD Voice

Goce Delcev: Freedom Starts Internally

Goce Delcev’s image adorns the living rooms, school rooms, and church halls of many places around the world that Macedonians call home. We sing about him in our folk songs, and hold his virtues and wisdom to the highest standard.

Or so we think.

Like many heroes, Goce is often celebrated and revered, but not understood. As the famous Macedonian folk song says, “We don’t have our Goce Delcev anymore/to wave the Macedonian flag/but he gave an oath to his people/to fight on and not forget the Macedonian name”. We have placed upon ourselves the burden of Goce Delcev’s sacred struggle, but we are more content affirming Goce Delcev was Macedonian, than living by his ideals. There are two lessons from the life of Goce Delcev that we desperately need to hear and apply today.

In 1891, Goce Delcev left Solun to pursue higher education at the Sofia Military Academy in Bulgaria. The 19-year-old Goce was already showing himself to be rebellious by nature, and not afraid to live by his convictions. A few years before, at the Cyril and Methodius Men’s High School in Solun, during an outing in the school yard in which songs were sung to the local Turkish vali on the occasion of the Sultan’s birthday, the boys were forced to shout “çok yaşa!” (long may he live). Young Goce however, electrified the schoolyard by shouting “aşaği!”(down with him). This was the strength of his convictions—surrounded by Ottoman officials (who thankfully did not hear him) he openly defied the Ottoman Empire. However, a few years later, Goce went on to enroll in the military academy, since jobs for teachers were incredibly scarce in Macedonia. During his first few months there, he noticed many students were openly hostile to a student by the name of Hussein Tefeikov. Hussein’s family, although not being ethnically Turkish, was considered as such since they had converted to Islam generations back. The idea of a Muslim Turk in the ranks was repugnant to many of the students—all of whom had no doubt experienced the brutality of centuries of Turkish rule. Goce was also disgusted—at the students. Seeing the boys ridicule and torture Hussein was appalling to him. To Goce, it was as intolerable for Macedonia to be under Ottoman rule, as it was for Turks to be outcast and vilified for being Turkish. Goce would later go on to befriend him, a sign of humility and common ground we desperately need today.

Goce would be appalled by our divisiveness today. We are not only split amongst ethnic lines, but also political, and even geographic. When Goce spoke of Macedonia for the Macedonians, he quite literally meant everyone in Macedonia, who by virtue of living in Macedonia could be considered Macedonian. Today we have Macedonians that are ethnically Macedonian, but also Albanian, Turkish, Vlach, Serb and so forth. We have shared this mountainous patch of earth called Macedonia for centuries. Yet, we lost our ways. Not only do we exclude our neighbors, but also we now exclude ourselves. I remember by baba’s stories of her youth about how during the days of food shortages under socialism, Macedonians and Turks would share what little food they had to ensure they all survived the winters. Now, in the days of higher thinking, whole churches, communities, and even organizations in the diaspora have hostilities toward each other. We see the fight for Macedonia as a zero sum game—some will have to lose for us to win. The Ottoman Turks back in the day were bewildered as Muslims how Orthodox Christians were so easily betraying each other for lira. This is the curse that we have to break. If we want any hope of our country and nationhood surviving another quarter century, we need to make changes. We can no longer marginalize and denounce members of our own communities. Goce knew that Ottoman Empire ruled for centuries because the people could never unify, and they fed off that disunity. Today, those who wish us ill are no different. When Greek and Bulgarian organizations see the chaos that erupts between our communities, they are only incentivized to pursue their agendas even further. Not only do we have to unify, we have to unify across political and ethnic lines. When Goce dreamt of a free and prosperous Macedonia, he realized such goals would never be achieved when small acts such as disdain for the “others” still persisted. We have to realize that a future that excludes anyone in Macedonia is a future that excludes all of us.

Later on in life, Goce was a head inspector of schools in most of Macedonia, which served as a perfect guise for his revolutionary activity and travel. As a natural leader of the revolutionary committee he received many correspondences from various key individuals that were in charge of bringing weapons—both physical and of the mind—into Macedonia. However, in 1895 а hotheaded revolutionary by the name of Aleksandar Chakurov tried to independently launch a pre-mature rebellion in the Vinista region, his assumption being that Russia would notice and step in to help. Goce, writing to a local chairman responsible for arms transport in Kyustendil, Bulgaria fired off and blasted the foolishness of such thinking. “Did His Grace (Chakurov ) believe his own words, what he said verbally and in letters to G. Ivanov: ‘I’ll raise an internal rebellion, and as soon as the banner is unfurled, then Russia, O glorious Russia, will fly into Macedonia on the spot, and there you are—we are free’??!! Is that what he thinks? Is this how we educated our rebels? If you feed the people with such empty hopes then you must realize that even the most outstanding hero will fall into utter despair.”

But let’s forget Macedonia’s inane love affair with Russia—the sole reason behind Bulgaria’s existence. I will not discuss how all of Macedonia would today be Bulgarian if the Russian-backed Treaty of San Stefano was not overturned. The problem is not who we place our trust in. It’s the fact that we do so much. Goce knew, perhaps better than anyone, how solving one’s problems begins with a deep look in the mirror. When we blame others for our problems, and then expect others to save us, we live inside a contradiction. We omit reality and pursue a dangerous path of unrealistic expectations. The truth is, no one, not President Trump nor Premier Putin, can save us. The path to prosperity is arduous. It requires an honest evaluation of our own problems, and not a projection of them upon others. Let’s remember Goce’s famous line, “The revolution of the heart, mind and soul of an enslaved people is our greatest task”. We are no different, even centuries later. We are enslaved by our way of thinking where we do not embrace reality and work to shape it in our image. Macedonians waited for 500 years for a glorious liberator. Goce was the first to tell us no one would come and we would not taste freedom if we did not do it ourselves. We mourned his death, but then we moved on and placed our trust in Bulgaria, then Serbia, then the United States, and now Russia. When will the time come when we place our trust in the Macedonian people? Goce Delcev, a man whom we gave an oath and try to fulfill every single day, awaits our answer.

The views of the author may not necessarily reflect the views of the United Macedonian Diaspora and Generation M.

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The Problem With Balkanizing the Balkans

UMD Generation M U.S Chair @MarioHristovski responds in an op-ed to a Foreign Affairs piece by Timothy Less called “Dysfunction in the Balkans” in which he proposes the U.S supporting the partition of Macedonia and other Balkan countries along ethnic lines.

The neoliberal global hegemony is under tremendous pressure. Both the election of Trump, the success of Brexit, and the surge of populist movements in Europe have made many question the lofty goals of free trade and open borders at the expense of national sovereignty. The Balkans are no exception. Less, in his recent piece entitled, “Dysfunction in the Balkans” is correct to point out that many of the post-Yugoslav countries have struggled to put aside national sentiment to pursue more economic growth and integration. However, less examines the problem through a misguided and myopic focus. The problem is not with the former-Yugoslav republics. It’s not even a Balkan problem. It’s a European problem.

One does not have to think hard to recall the independence movements of the Catalonia region of Spain, headed by the culturally and linguistically separate Catalans. Most can recall the call for Scottish autonomy, narrowly defeated by the now-ironic plea of “Stronger Together” from the U.K. If we follow less’s prescription, it would provide the necessary catalyst and justification for the dramatic changing of European borders. France would most likely have a large portion of its territory seceded to the Occitans, and Spain would also lose territory to the Basques and Catalans, as well. Lest we forget the can of worms it would open up in Ukraine.

As for Macedonia having to “accept the loss of territory to which they are sentimentally attached and without any significant territorial compensation”, less is once again missing the forest for the trees. In fact, Macedonia would more greatly increase its size, because it will have gained the Macedonian-populated regions of Pirin Macedonia in present-day Bulgaria, Aegean Macedonia in Greece, and Mala Prespa in Albania, whose populations have also formed political parties and subsequent protests for more rights. But of course, this does not seem to fit the chimerical worldview Less prescribes to. The Yugoslav countries are not the only states encompassing nations across borders. To suggest a redrawing of borders is to suggest further destabilization of the Balkans. Take Macedonia for example. Not only would Macedonians be separated from Ohrid, the religious and spiritual center of Macedonia since the 9th century, but it would undo years of progress, already made. Macedonian-Albanians have become an integral part of Macedonia’s diverse society. Not only is Albanian recognized as an official language within Albanian-speaking areas, with colleges and schools to teach it, but Macedonian-Albanians continue to hold seats in parliament, and are our physicists, artists, writers, doctors and so-forth. Even during the “ethnically destabilizing” protests within Macedonia, one could scarcely walk around and not see Macedonian and Albanian flags tied together in a symbol of brotherhood and unity.

However, the absurdity of Less’s argument is not his misguided focus on the former Yugoslav republics. It’s not that milestone it would set for a dramatic reshaping of Europe. Less, like many Westerners writing on the Balkans, assumes these issues are deep-seated, and in-turn incurable ills amongst the people of the Balkans. Dramatic re-aligning of borders would thus be the only conclusion. Nothing could be further from the truth. This is the same “war-torn” Balkan region that had high interfaith marriage rates during Yugoslavia, and had numerous minorities fighting together for the goal of liberation from the Ottoman Empire. In a span of 24 years, Less has already determined that these issues are immovable. He has ignored the vast swathes of history that point to the opposite. His view is that of the Western enlighteners in the 1800s, graciously intervening to solve the problems of the pesky Balkans–the same enlighteners who also conveniently planted the seeds for the current turmoil. This soft bigotry of low expectations is why he avoids talking about Greece, a seemingly more “Western” country in the Balkans, but also experiencing the same issues. It is precisely this paternalistic attitude that has caused ethnic strife in the Balkans to rebound throughout history. Reaching a zenith during the 1800s and early 1900s, we also see an overwhelming role played by external forces. This is not to say we should not embrace help from the U.S and other Western nations when it is needed. In fact, it can prove quite beneficial to the geopolitical and economic interests of many states. However, the view of Balkan nationalism that Less and many throughout history have taken does not provide a constructive working model for solving problems. Assuming the people of the Balkans cannot solve their own ethnic dilemmas and determine their own future, only serves to further disillusion the people and drive them deeper into a hopeless race for the bottom.

Macedonia, and the Balkans as a whole, has its future in NATO and the European Union. Broad-sweeping reforms have already taken place, but much work remains to be done. With Russia breathing down upon the neck of many Balkan states, Less’s proposal falls perfectly in Putin’s plan–further disillusionment towards Europe and more ethnic conflict for Russia to mediate. Instead of rewarding all of the progress that has already been made, Less wants to destroy it and permanently sever the people of the Balkans from Europe. The irony, of course, is that once the Balkans is firmly politically and economically integrated with Europe and the Transatlantic community, borders will become meaningless. Free trade, open borders for goods, services, capital, investments will freely flow between the various states, regardless of what ethnic lines exist. Less speaks of the U.S benevolently bestowing a “final service” upon the Balkans by ethnically fragmenting it–using further balkanization to solve the problems in the Balkans. The final service the U.S should, and will bestow, is when it will finally greet future EU members Macedonia, Serbia, Montenegro, and Bosnia and Herzegovina into NATO and lay a road map for a mutual future progress.

The views of the author may not necessarily reflect the views of the United Macedonian Diaspora and Generation M.

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Lessons from Ilinden

Today, the tiny picturesque town of Krushevo turns the wheel of time and relives 1903. Macedonian freedom fighters, known as komiti, parade into town on their horses to the uproaring acclaim of the crowd. The celebrations are all centered around an area known as Bear’s Rock, noted by a large statue of a man throwing a rock. Here, 113 years ago, stood the last line of defense to the Krushevo Republic. Ilinden, or Day of St. Elijah, commemorates the day that Macedonia attempted to overthrow the Ottoman Empire.


Macedonian freedom fighters, or komiti, entering Bear's Rock.
Macedonian freedom fighters, or komiti, entering Bear’s Rock.


While the rebellions occurred throughout Macedonia, the little town of Krushevo did something remarkable. For 10 days, and 10 days only, they had created the first republic in Europe. Amidst the vast sea of monarchies, Krushevo greeted governance with a breath of fresh air. It embraced its diversity, and created a ruling body comprised of equal representation from every ethnic group. After 500 years of oppression, Macedonians, Albanians, Aromanians, and Jews alike, finally took control over their own destinies. That is what the final battle at Bear’s Rock was all about. Traditionally, it is thought to be the spot where famous Aromanian-Macedonian revolutionary Pitu Guli, along with his company of fighters, died protecting the young republic. The statue is of a fighter using a rock to repel the Ottomans, a last resort after the bullets had run out. Esoterically, it represents Macedonia at that junction in time–Macedonia, the last remaining jewel of the Ottoman Empire, with its rich ports and fertile land, had sustained the Ottoman Empire for centuries. Now, 500 years later, with its knees buckling and arms trembling, it  finally shrugged from and overthrew the burden.

The last defense of Krushevo
The last defense of Krushevo

 

All in all, Ilinden was a premature failure. The Ottomans quickly put down the rebellion and bombarded Krushevo into submission once more. However, what the Ottomans and all autocrats failed to recognize is that ideas cannot be destroyed. The idea behind Ilinden was so particularly strong that it sustained the Macedonian people from the future horror that would be inflicted upon them with the partition of Macedonia. While it is a controversial idea, Macedonian intellectuals and statesmen knew of their ancient origin. Nikola Karev, President of the Krushevo Republic, was even quoted in a Greek newspaper stating that he is a Macedonian and a direct descendent of Alexander the Great. What this signifies is that many Macedonians knew their history, and knew how long they had been under oppression. It was not just the Ottomans they were overthrowing that hot August day–it was every occupation that had occurred. Since the conclusion of the Macedonian-Roman wars in the 3nd century, Macedonia had been under occupation for close to two millennia. However, on the eve of the Ilinden rebellion, a people who should have been lost to the history books, still clung to the idea that Macedonia would finally be liberated, and they would be free to speak their language, attend their place of worship, and dance their music in freedom.

The future would prove a harsh reality for Macedonia. Not only was its freedom denied, but in ten years it would completely disappear from the map; the Treaty of Bucharest saw its forcible partition, while the Greek, Bulgarian, and Serbian governments moved to completely erase the Macedonian people from history. In 1948, in the midst of the Greek Civil War that saw the largest and most brutal exodus of Macedonians in history, the spirit of Ilinden remained. A rare photograph from an abandoned village in Aegean Macedonia shows the words, “Long Live Ilinden, Long Live the Revolution” written on a building wall. This was written at a time when even speaking the Macedonian language was punishable by death. Yet, then as before, Macedonians stared into the face of death and openly defied it. It comes as no surprise that August 2nd was also the date that the Macedonian state finally emerged from the grip of fascism in 1944.

Faded graffiti saying "Да Живеј Илинден" (Long Live Ilinden) in the Aegean Macedonian village of Drenoveni.
Faded graffiti saying “ДА
ЖИВЕЕ ИЛИНДЕН” (Long Live Ilinden) in the Aegean Macedonian village of Drenoveni.



While Macedonia may now be divided, and its people oppressed, Ilinden continues to animate and sustain the Macedonian spirit. In Greece, Macedonian villagers proudly celebrated Ilinden in their own unique way—all the while surrounded by Greek police and pressure not to. Goce Delcev famously said that the interests and future of Macedonia are inseparable from the Macedonian people. Today, 113 years after the Ilinden uprising, the attempt to erase the Macedonian identity continues to dominate politics in Greece and Bulgaria. The ideas of invasion and occupation may seem far removed from any sense of reality in the 21st century, but we cannot let ignorance become our ally. As President Ronald Reagan said, we must live knowing that freedom is never more than one generation from being extinct. In the world we live in, freedom is neither a guarantee nor a right. This is what Ilinden teaches us. In truth, it is not one revolution rebelling against one occupation. It is the culmination of all efforts to free Macedonia, as well as the on-going battle to preserve who we are, and ensure our identity and culture survives for the next generation.  Our future continues to hang on the hinges, and everyday is our Ilinden. Everyday we will face challenges to rebuke our oppressors, and preserve who we are. However, when push comes to shove, will we be able to unite once more, and do what is needed in the face of overwhelming pressure? The day we forget what Ilinden stood for, is the day we will have finally lost the battle. Today as Macedonians from all over visit the hallowed ground of Bear’s Rock, one can almost hear the voice of all those lost–the wisdom of the ages, reminding us of their sacrifice and dreams. By visiting the site, we not only commemorate their sacrifice, but proudly embrace their struggle.

Macedonians revolutionaries gazing into a promising future.
Macedonians revolutionaries embracing the uncertainty of the future.

The views of the author may not necessarily reflect the views of the United Macedonian Diaspora and Generation M.